We
are meeting for the first time since the elections to the 17th Lok Sabha. At
the outset, I would like to congratulate all the 116 newly elected Members of
the Lok Sabha, exactly 58 of whom are first time members. I also congratulate
the newly elected office bearers. There will not be any Tax realized but People will get the Exemption From Tax, When They Pay Voluntarily. We will Restore The Power Of COMPTROLLER AND ACCOUNT GENERAL, ALL MONUMENTS WILL BE DECLARED AS HINDUS TEMPLE AND PALACE . WE WILL NOT ASK TO CASTE VOTE BY MUSLIMS IN OUR FAVOR AND AGAINST THEIR JIHAD COMMITMENT EXCEPT THOSE WHO LOVE TRUTH < LOVE FOR ANIMALS AND NON VIOLENCE.
I
take this opportunity to sincerely thank all those who worked tirelessly for
the Party's election campaign, at the central, state and constituency levels.
Loyal soldiers of the BJP, they once again displayed remarkable commitment,
dedication and devotion ― qualities for which our karyakartas are known and
admired.
All
of us are naturally disappointed at the outcome of the parliamentary elections,
which was not as per our expectations. The Congress-led United Progressive
Alliance (UPA) got a renewed, and enlarged, mandate. Our tally has come down
from what it was in 2004 ― from 138 to 116.
Broadbased
review of poll results necessary
There
has been much discussion in the National Executive on why we failed to win the
people's mandate. Many colleagues have made their observations and given their
analyses. The purpose of this review is not to apportion blame but to get an
objective understanding of what went wrong and, more importantly, how to emerge
stronger by correcting those mistakes. I am extremely happy that the
discussion yesterday was very frank and forthright.
As
a Party proud to be having the highest level of internal democracy, it should
be our endeavour to make this exercise as broadbased as possible. It should
enable karyakartas and supporters at all levels to freely express their views
and sentiments. They should feel that their voice is heard and taken seriously.
This is important for maintaining the motivation of our cadres and supporters,
and for further strengthening their bonds with the Party.
Therefore,
our colleagues and workers should feel that there is an internal mechanism
within the Party where one's views, including critical views, are taken
seriously by those in responsible positions and are then used for implementing
corrective steps. The only constraint on the participants in this exercise,
which is an important part of the BJP's culture of discipline, is that they
should not air their critical views in public.
Three
areas that require serious attention
Broadly
speaking, corrective action is needed in the following three areas:
It is a matter of concern that our Party seems to be plateauing in some states, which are our strongholds, and have actually suffered big reversals in some others. Additionally, there are several big states where our political base continues to be small, and our electoral presence is narrower still. These weaknesses have to be overcome.
The state of the Party organization at all levels, including at the Centre, needs to be improved. We have to strengthen unity in thought, unity in planning and unity in execution in leadership tiers at the Centre and in states.
It is a matter of concern that our Party seems to be plateauing in some states, which are our strongholds, and have actually suffered big reversals in some others. Additionally, there are several big states where our political base continues to be small, and our electoral presence is narrower still. These weaknesses have to be overcome.
The state of the Party organization at all levels, including at the Centre, needs to be improved. We have to strengthen unity in thought, unity in planning and unity in execution in leadership tiers at the Centre and in states.
The
Party has to urgently evolve a system of encouraging younger leaders at all
levels. We have a lot of young talent within the Party. But I have heard many
young activists tell me that they are not given opportunity to serve the Party
more effectively. It is sad that a certain "train compartment"
mentality has got developed within the Party, which makes those in leadership
positions to ignore promising, talented and committed cadres who are standing
"outside" and waiting for the door to open. This has to change. We
must identify, train, groom and empower third, fourth and fifth generation of
leaders in the BJP. Our leadership planning should take into account the
Party's needs for the next twenty years.
Poll
outcome is a setback, but certainly not 'a rout'
Friends,
while it is natural for all of us to be disappointed by the outcome of the
elections, it is necessary that we neither let this feeling of disappointment
turn into despair nor lose a sense of proportion and balance in assessing the
voters' support for the BJP.
A
section of the media has described the people's verdict as a "rout"
for the BJP. It is nothing of the kind. We have won 116 seats in the 15th Lok
Sabha, which is much more than what the Congress had won in 1999. In as many as
113 other constituencies, our candidates came second. In 45 of these
constituencies, the margin of defeat was less than 10% of the votes cast.
In 25 of these the margin was less than 5%.
Without
belittling the setback we have received, I must also point out that it is
nothing in comparison to what we have suffered in the past. If the word
"rout" could be validly used, it was in 1980 and 1984. In the 1980
parliamentary elections, which were held after the collapse of the Janata Party
government, the Janata Party's tally came crashing down from 295 (the Jana
Sangh segment was 97 or so) in 1977 to 31, of which the Jana Sangh component
was just 18. In the 1984 polls, which were held after the assassination of Smt.
Indira Gandhi, the BJP could win only 2 seats in the whole country.
We
did not lose heart in 1980 and 1984. Therefore, where is the question of the
BJP becoming despondent today, when we have 116 MPs in the Lok Sabha, Unlike in
the 14th Lok Sabha, when the Left was on the one hand a proactive partner in
Government, but not being accountable or answerable for failures of Government,
most of the time they could play the role of the opposition also.
I
first came to Parliament in 1970, as a Member of the Rajya Sabha. That
was a time when Marxist members used to exude immense confidence. Some of
them, even used to echo the boast of British imperialists, that a day would
certainly come when the sun shall not set on the Marxist 'empire'. All
developing countries of the world, including India, are particularly vulnerable
to the appeal of Marxism; the Jana Sangh has no future, they would affirm.
And
see what has happened to Marxist parties the world over. Wiped off the
surface of the globe - with remnants left behind only in Cuba, Kerala, and
Calcutta ! And in India while in an election which we ourselves concede
is a surprising set back for us, we get 116 seats, they score just 16 !
Our
prejudiced critics will deliberately exaggerate the BJP's weaknesses. But we
should know our strengths. With 116 MPs in the Lok Sabha, 47 MPs in the Rajya
Sabha, and eight states in which our Party is in government, the BJP is by no
means an inconsiderable force in Indian politics. If anything, by decimating
the Third and Fourth Fronts, the recent elections have concretized the BJP as
the only alternative to the Congress.
I
am pointing this out just to underscore an important aspect of the people's
verdict in May 2009. Theirs is a vote for stability insofar as the Congress
party's strength has been considerably enhanced so that it does not any longer
need the crutches of the Left Front. But theirs is also a vote for bipolarity
insofar as the voters have strongly endorsed the BJP as the sole anti-Congress
opposition pole at the Centre.
Big
new opportunity for the BJP
When
anyone asks me as to what is the most significant contribution of the BJP to
Indian politics, my reply is: for the first four decades of India's
independence, the country's politics was dominated by one single party - the
Congress; in the last two decades, the BJP has succeeded in transforming this
single-dominant-party polity into a bipolar polity.
To
achieve this, since the days of our party's launching by Dr. Syama Prasad
Mookerji as Jana Sangh, the party's leadership has been exerting to end the
Congress Party's hegemony in Indian politics. Our initiatives in alliance
politics and coalition governments started in the early fifties in Punjab when
we had a SAD-JS Government in the State under the leadership of Justice Gurnam
Singh. Later, we made a major contribution towards shaking up the
Congress Party's hold in the Hindi States when we helped the formation of SVD
Governments in Bihar, U.P. and Madhya Pradesh in 1967.
Under
Shri Jaya Prakash Narayan's leadership, the Jana Sangh's major role in the
anti-corruption and anti-emergency crusade of the early seventies was yet
another milestone in this effort.
For
the Congress the watershed election was 1989. Then on, the BJP just did
not look back until it first became the largest party in the Lok Sabha in 1996,
and then in 1998 formed the first NDA Government which lasted six years.
Apart
from Dr. Mookerji and Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya, other national leaders who
have played a key role in ending the Congress Party's monopoly of power have
been Dr. Lohia, Shri Jaya Prakash Narayan, Shri A.B. Vajpayee, Shri George
Fernandes and Shri Madhu Limaye.
This
success of the BJP in smashing the monopoly of the Congress party has been
responsible for arousing the ambitions of so many bit players - several
caste-based parties and several regional parties.
It
is my view that while as in 2004, this time L.S. election was an aggregate of the
variegated verdicts in the States, a common mood that dominated the voters'
psyche throughout the country in this last election was that the Union
Government should not come into the hands of any such bit player. No
wonder, it is only two parties, the Congress and the BJP, who have won in the
15th Lok Sabha a tally of seats running into three digits. All other
parties are way behind. Bipolarity in national politics has thus been
endorsed by the electorate itself in the 2009 mandate.
*
* *
In
the aftermath of the 2009 Lok Sabha poll, two other issues have been raised in
public discourse, as also within our party. These are : BJP's relations
with the RSS, and the correct meaning of Hindutva.
Both
these issues were debated publicly way back in 1979-1980 while we were still in
the Janata Party. Vajpayeeji, Nanaji Deshmukh, Sunder Singh Bhandari, myself
and many others like us belonging to the RSS were asked to sever our ties with
the RSS if we wanted to continue in the Janata Party. When we declined to
do so the Janata Party threw us out of its fold. It was then that on
April 6, 1980 the BJP was formed.
We
feel really grateful to the Janata Party for taking action against us otherwise
we would not have achieved in Indian politics the remarkable success that we
have.
For
many in the BJP like me, association with the RSS has been a life-changing
event. I regard Dr. Hedgewar's RSS as the noblest mass movement of modern
India just as Swami Dayanand's Arya Samaj and Swami Paramhans' Ramakrishna
Mission were similarly two great cultural movements launched in the nineteenth
century.
At
our office bearers meeting two days back two eminent Muslim colleagues of ours
affirmed their faith in Hindutva but cautioned against any narrow bigoted
anti-Muslim interpretation being put on it.
In
1979-80 when this issue of Hindutva was being debated in the Janata Party RSS
Chief, Bala Saheb Deoras, addressing the annual Vijaya Dashmi rally at Nagpur
observed :
It is said by some that the Sangh is changing and that it has to change further. All living beings do change in their natural course. It is a sign of their evolution. That which does not change is not living, it is dead. But this change does not take place by cutting itself off from the arteries of life-sap. The Sangh too has changed in keeping with the necessities of the times, and will keep changing in future also.
It is said by some that the Sangh is changing and that it has to change further. All living beings do change in their natural course. It is a sign of their evolution. That which does not change is not living, it is dead. But this change does not take place by cutting itself off from the arteries of life-sap. The Sangh too has changed in keeping with the necessities of the times, and will keep changing in future also.
Changes
such as emphasising the wider concept of Hindu and Hindu Rashtra and of
admitting persons belonging to other faiths into its day-to-day activities are
even now taking place. But such changes as these can come about if only
the Swayamsevaks feel them to be necessary in the interests of the country.
In
this speech, Deoras reiterated the R.S.S.'s rejection of the concept of a
theocratic state and asked: "How can a people believing in the dictum Ekam
sat vipra bahudha vadanti (Truth is one, sages call it variously) ever become
champions of a State which would uphold the interests of one religion at the
cost of others?"
Deoras
regretted the tendency to decry use of the word Hindu as if it denoted
something narrow and communal. He said that, "the word signifies not
any religious sect or geographical confines but symbolises a cultural
life-current which has been enriched over centuries due to continuous
interactions." He added : "It is our firm belief that words
like Hindu and Bharatiya, Hindu Rashtra and Bharatiya Rashtra, are
synonymous."
Let
every Indian citizen, irrespective of the faith to which he belongs, know that
BJP's understanding of Hindutva is fully in accord with the unanimous judgement
given by the 3-Judge Bench of the Supreme Court on December 11, 1995.
*
* *
Hidden
in the demise of the Third Front and the Fourth Front is a big new opportunity
for our Party. It is now obvious to every discerning observer of national
politics that, in the years to come, genuine and effective opposition to the
Congress can develop only around the pole of the BJP. Those whose hatred for
the BJP has been stronger than their preference for an alternative to the
Congress will either gravitate towards the Congress or become irrelevant in
national politics.
The
BJP has an opportunity to rally all others around its own pole to build a
strong, stable and superior alternative to the Congress. The history of
post-Independence politics in India clearly shows that the people want such an
alternative.Rajasthan, Gujrat, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh - will elect their new Vidhan
Sabhas soon. The BJP, along with its allies, must get set to win the
people's mandate in at least two of these three states. I therefore urge
my colleagues, both at the Centre and in these states, to begin preparations
for the coming Assembly elections in right earnest.
In
short, the road ahead places two tasks before us: (a) increase the BJP's own
independent strength, and (b) increase the Party's coordination with our
present allies in the NDA and other non-Congress forces. I have no doubt that
our Party can bounce back by addressing both tasks diligently.
In
order to let Party cadres know both the opportunities and tasks before us, I
have decided to tour the entire country in the months to come. I shall be
visiting all the states, and more than one place in some of the bigger states.
Let
me conclude my remarks by conveying a summing-up message. True, Elections 2009
did not produce results that we expected. We should not be found wanting in
honest introspection. But introspection is different from finger-pointing. Let
us treat the outcome of the elections as behaves a mature and highly resilient
political party. True, we have to recognize our weaknesses. But let us not lose
sight of our enormous strengths ― our nationalist ideology, our army of
committed cadres, our battalion of talented leaders and, above all, the support
and goodwill of the people for the BJP.
It
is not only we who are disappointed, our legion of supporters are equally
disappointed that we could not defeat the Congress. The people have high hopes
and heightened expectations from the BJP. Let us strive to rise to their
expectations.
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